Prompt Diet action required

国会の重要課題

Both issues require prompt action. But the more urgent is the proposed legislation that would allow the Self-Defense Forces to provide logistic support for U.S.-led antiterrorism operations in the Indian Ocean. The Diet should legislate the kind of measures that will win not only domestic support but also international understanding. For that, the ruling and opposition parties need to debate in a constructive manner.

Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi last week announced a seven-point program to support U.S. military action that includes the provision of logistic services such as medical aid and transportation. Such noncombat cooperation is the main part of a legislative package being put together by the government and the ruling parties. It also includes measures to update the SDF Law.

In a Washington meeting on Tuesday with U.S. President George W. Bush, Mr. Koizumi promised to aid American action against terrorism. But it will be impossible to implement these measures in time unless related legislation is promptly cleared through the Diet.

Mr. Koizumi, in talks with opposition leaders, has requested their cooperation in securing speedy passage of the legislation. However, their responses, by and large, have been lukewarm, reflecting the wide disagreements that exist not only between the ruling and opposition parties but also among the opposition parties themselves. Nonetheless, cooperation is necessary. Japan should provide as much support as possible within the limits of the pacifist Constitution.

Mr. Yukio Hatoyama, head of the Democratic Party of Japan, the largest opposition group, is basically in favor of the proposed package. But he is opposed to an SDF role in transporting weapons and ammunition. Mr. Hatoyama, who wants the SDF to draw up well-defined operation plans, contends that such SDF cooperation should be premised on a new U.N. resolution supporting military action against terrorism.

The Liberal Party, led by Mr. Ichiro Ozawa, believes that existing U.N. Security Council resolutions are not sufficient to justify the dispatch of SDF units to faraway places like the Indian Ocean. The Japan Communist Party says deployment of SDF ships and troops is unconstitutional. The Social Democratic Party is opposed to military retaliation itself. Even the ruling parties seem to disagree on specifics, such as exactly how to provide logistic support.

These differences reflect some of the contentious issues that mark constitutional debate in Japan. Many argue that logistic support for collective military operations might constitute an exercise of the right of collective self-defense that is believed to be prohibited by the Constitution. The issue of collective security action — which touches the heart of the Constitution — is vital, but it cannot be resolved in a short period of time. Pressing for it too hard risks creating unnecessary confusion. To be realistic and productive, the Diet debate should focus on specific questions, such as the form and content of logistic support.

As for economic measures, Mr. Koizumi is sticking to his strategy of "structural reforms without sacred cows," despite the worsening economic conditions. Falling stock prices, rising unemployment and deteriorating corporate earnings, among other bad news, all point to negative growth. But the prime minister is right that there is "no economic recovery without structural reform."

No less important is a supplementary budget for unemployment relief and job creation. Some members of the Liberal Democratic Party argue that public works spending should be increased to stimulate growth and that the ・0-trillion ceiling on debt issues should be removed. The ceiling could be lifted — it is an artificial limit — but the prime minister must resist political pressures for traditional pork-barrel spending.

Along with unemployment relief, the Diet should discuss ways to help expedite bad-debt write-offs in the banking sector, which hold the key to economic recovery. One step worth considering is to bolster the Resolution and Collection Corp., the public takeover agency for banks that have failed. In this and other priority economic areas, the ruling and opposition parties must conduct productive debates. Any item on the agenda demands both thorough debates and prompt legislative action.

The Japan Times: Sept. 27, 2001
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     小泉首相は9月27日、米国の軍事行動支援策として、医療、輸送等の後方支援の提供など7項目を発表した。新法はそういった非戦闘面での協力を主な目的とするが、自衛隊法の改正も含まれる。小泉首相は法案の迅速な国会通過に向け野党に協力を求めたが、野党側の反応はどっちつかずで、与野党間だけでなく野党間でも意見が対立していることがわかる。しかし日本は平和憲法の制約内で、可能な限りの支援を提供すべきだ。

     民主党の鳩山党首は7項目に原則的に賛成しながら、武器･弾薬輸送に自衛隊が関わることには反対で、自衛隊の国際協力は対テロ武力行使を支持する国連の新たな決議を前提とすべきだと主張する。自由党は、国連安保理の決議だけでは自衛隊のインド洋派遣を正当化できないという。共産党は、自衛隊の艦船及び部隊の配備は違憲であると主張する。こうした意見の相違は、日本の憲法議論の特色を表している。多くの人が、集団軍事行動の後方支援は憲法で禁じられた集団的自衛権の行使にあたるという考えだ。この問題は平和憲法の中心部分だが、短期間で無理やり解決しようとすると無用な混乱を生むこともあろう。

     経済の動向を見ると、株価の下落、失業率の上昇、企業収益の悪化など、すべての要因がマイナス成長を示している。景気の悪化にもかかわらず小泉首相は｢聖域なき構造改革｣を断行する決意だが、｢構造改革なくして景気回復なし｣という首相の主張は正しい。

     また、失業者救済と雇用創出を目的とした補正予算も重要だ。自民党の中には景気刺激のために公共事業を増やし、30兆円という国債発行額の上限を撤廃すべきだと主張する議員もいる。しかし上限撤廃はともかく、利益誘導型財政の圧力に、首相は屈してはならない。

     国会では、景気回復の鍵である、銀行の不良債権処理を促進する方法も議論すべきだ。整理回収機構の強化は一考の価値がある。与野党は徹底的に意見を戦わせ、迅速な立法措置をとらねばならない。

The Japan Times Weekly
Oct. 6, 2001
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