Beyond the antiterror laws

テロ対策特別法成立の後で

It will be the first time since World War II, of course, that Japanese troops are deployed near a war zone far from home, although their activities will be confined to logistic and humanitarian support. The government is to map out a basic deployment plan shortly so that SDF contingents, including a fleet of transport ships, can be dispatched sometime in November. As stipulated in the new legislation, the Diet will approve the plan after, not before, deployment.

Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, who has repeatedly emphasized that SDF roles will be limited "within the framework of the Constitution," must make sure that the limits are faithfully observed. The Diet, meanwhile, must carefully examine the basic plan and keep a close watch over SDF activities and related developments in areas of deployment.

Beyond that, the government must keep the public adequately informed about SDF operations. The SDF, for its part, must perform its duties to the best of its ability. However, because its units will be operating close to combat areas, their commanders as well as individual soldiers will need to exercise utmost caution to avoid direct military involvement. Every SDF move will be watched closely not only by the Japanese people but also by nations around the world, including our Asian neighbors and Islamic states.

That said, the government will likely have considerable difficulty implementing the new legislation. For one thing, it is unclear how the military operations in Afghanistan will develop in coming weeks and months. This makes it hard to determine exactly where to send SDF troops. No less difficult is marking areas where they will provide logistic and other noncombat support. Fighting elusive terrorist forces could make it impossible to draw a line between combat and noncombat areas.

Despite careful research and planning, therefore, SDF troops might yet find themselves operating in areas outside regions of their primary responsibility and, as a result, facing situations not anticipated under the basic plan. If so, the government would need to report to the Diet and obtain its approval without delay. Parliamentary consent may also be required when deployment is likely to last over an extended period.

The new law, which will expire two years from now unless extended, is effectively based on the assumption that the anti-Taliban military campaign may last through that period. This means that, in parallel to the law's implementation, the government needs to explore ways for Japan to play an active role in post-Taliban Afghanistan. After all, what the world expects most from this nation are its contributions to Afghan reconstruction, not SDF cooperation.

Already speculation is rife about an interim administration and a reconstruction program in that war-ravaged country — a task no less difficult and complicated than the military campaign. Japan is seeking to host an Afghan reconstruction conference in Tokyo, an idea advanced by former Foreign Minister Masahiko Komura. The real challenge for this nation is to help create an international framework for postwar reconstruction in line with U.N. activities.

Japan can play the role of an honest broker. The people of Afghanistan seem to be looking to this nation for economic and humanitarian assistance. Japan's experience in Cambodia's reconstruction may also help. There is, indeed, much we can do — not only economically but diplomatically as well — without being swayed by the big-power game.

Rebuilding Afghanistan is easier said than done, however. It will be difficult to establish a stable government by bringing the feuding tribes into line. Difficult, too, will be stabilizing relations with Afghanistan's neighbors, particularly Pakistan, India and Iran. Fundamentally, the Afghan problem cannot be resolved without also addressing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the rise of Islamic fundamentalism.

When an antiterror bill was drafted nearly a month ago, Mr. Koizumi expressed a strong desire to get it through the Diet as soon as possible and made a great effort toward that end. Now that the bill has become law, he needs to devote as much energy to the new task that lies ahead: helping to rebuild Afghanistan and make it a safer and better place to live. In the long run, that is the best way to eradicate the breeding grounds of terrorism.

The Japan Times: Oct. 31, 2001
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     自衛隊の役割について｢憲法の枠内に制限される｣と強調した小泉首相は、制限が確実に守られるようにしなくてはならない。国会は配備計画を検証し、自衛隊の活動と展開地域の状況を監視する必要がある。政府は国民に十分な情報を提供し、自衛隊は全力で任務を遂行する一方で直接の軍事的関与を避けるよう細心の注意を払う必要がある。自衛隊の行動は世界中の人々に注目されるだろう。

     新法の施行には大きな課題がある。まず、アフガニスタン攻撃の今後の展開が不明なため、自衛隊の派遣先の決定が困難である。また後方支援を提供する地域の特定も難しい。拠点を変え続けるテロリストとの戦いでは、戦闘地域と非戦闘地域の区別がつかなくなる。 新法は2年間の時限立法で、反タリバン軍事作戦の2年以内の終了を想定している。日本政府は新法施行と平行して、タリバン後の新政権樹立に積極的な役割を果たす道を探る必要があるということだ。

     世界が日本に期待する役割は、自衛隊の協力よりアフガニスタン再建への貢献である。政府は高村前外務大臣の提唱により再建会議の東京開催を計画している。国連の活動と連携して戦後復興の国際的枠組みの構築に貢献することが日本の課題だ。

     日本は誠実な仲介者としての役割を果たすことができる。アフガニスタンの人々は経済的、人道的援助を日本に期待している。カンボジア復興の経験も役立つだろう。外交面でも、大国の権力争いに関係なく貢献できることは数多くある。

     アフガニスタンで、抗争中の各派をまとめて安定した政権を確立するとなると至難の業だ。またパキスタン、インド、イランなど近隣諸国との関係安定化も難しい。アフガン問題は、イスラエル･パレスチナ紛争とイスラム原理主義の問題に対処しない限り解決しない。新法が成立した今、小泉政権にはアフガニスタン復興を支援して、より安全な環境作りに貢献するという新たな課題が待っている。長い目で見れば、それがテロ根絶の最良の方法だろう。

The Japan Times Weekly
Nov. 10, 2001
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