The Yasukuni dilemma again

靖国問題再燃

Mr. Koizumi tried to deflect the criticism by visiting the shrine at the outset of its three-day spring festival instead of on the Aug. 15 anniversary of Japan's surrender in World War II. Earlier in the day, he told reporters: "I believe this is the best time to go because I can pray quietly and with sincerity without creating a sense of concern here or abroad." He made it clear that he will not visit Yasukuni on or around Aug. 15.

Sunday's visit, however, inevitably caused sharp reactions, including some from China and South Korea. It would have been better if he had canceled the visit altogether.

Last year, Mr. Koizumi went to Yasukuni two days before Aug. 15, reversing his pledge — made during the Liberal Democratic Party presidential election in April — to go on the anniversary day. The change of date was chiefly intended to stave off criticism from China and South Korea. However, the two nations protested strongly, forcing Mr. Koizumi to make a fence-mending trip to Beijing and Seoul in October.

Understandably, the prime minister wanted to avoid a repetition of last year's controversy by visiting Yasukuni well ahead of the Aug. 15 anniversary. He had other strong reasons not to disrupt relations with Japan's two important neighbors. This year marks the 30th anniversary of the normalization of Sino-Japanese relations. Japan and South Korea are cohosting the World Cup soccer tournament, which opens in late May. It is easy to imagine that had he set his visit again for August, as he did last year, then not only the World Cup but also various exchange and commemorative programs between Japan and the two countries would have been affected. So he thought the timing for the April 21 visit was "best." And he apparently believes he made a realistic decision.

A Yasukuni visit by the prime minister became a heated political issue when the late Takeo Miki paid respects as a private citizen on Aug. 15, 1975. The controversy escalated when Mr. Yasuhiro Nakasone, a staunch conservative, made an official visit on the same date in 1985, calling for a "general re-examination of postwar politics." Prime ministers before Miki often visited the shrine during its spring or autumn festival.

In a way, Mr. Koizumi has only followed this early precedent. But merely changing the date of the visit is not the right way to address the constitutional issue: A prime ministerial visit to the Shinto shrine may violate the principle of separation of politics and religion. Beyond that, a prime minister's visit to Yasukuni can easily provoke memories of Japan's military past, given that the shrine honors Class A war criminals convicted for their leading roles in World War II.

It is the shrine's character that matters. Before the war, Yasukuni was a state-run shrine under the joint control of the departments of war and the navy. As such, it was regarded widely as a national symbol of militarism. After the war, it was changed to a private religious organization, but its basic character remained intact.

Yasukuni Shrine is clearly not an appropriate place for the prime minister of a nation that has forever renounced war to visit. Koizumi explained his decision this way: "I would like to pay my heartfelt respects to those who died for the country, leaving their families behind. We owe them for our present peace and prosperity. We must stick to our no-war pledge to keep the peace and never again to start another disastrous war."

We agree with him. But at the same time, many Japanese suspect that he may not have been telling the truth. A prime minister's visit to Yasukuni will help bring more votes for his party in elections. Therefore, if he really wants to pay homage to the war dead and renew the no-war pledge, Mr. Koizumi should do so elsewhere. The best place would be at the memorial service for the war dead that the government conducts on Aug. 15.

The government has an informal advisory body studying plans to build a new "place of mourning" open to both Japanese and foreigners. But, so far, discussions at the panel have made little progress. Mr. Koizumi may be bound by his promise to the LDP, of which he is president, but as the head of government he has a greater obligation to deal with the Yasukuni issue from a broad perspective.

The Japan Times: April 26, 2002
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      首相は昨年、終戦記念日の靖国参拝という自民党総裁選挙戦時の約束を翻してその2日前に参拝した。中国、韓国の批判をかわすための日程変更だったが、両国は参拝に強く抗議し、首相は関係修復に向け北京とソウル訪問を余儀なくされた。 　日中国交回復30周年と日韓共催のワールドカップ・サッカーが重なる今年、昨年と同じ時期に靖国参拝をすれば、ワールドカップだけでなく各種交流、記念行事が影響を受けると予想される。だから4月21日が最適だと首相は考えたのだろう。現実的な決定をしたと信じているのかもしれない。

      現職首相の靖国参拝が政治問題化したのは、1975年8月15日に、当時の三木首相が「私人」として同神社に参拝してからだ。1985年の夏には、「戦後政治の総決算」を掲げる中曽根首相が公式参拝し、論争はさらにエスカレートした。三木氏以前の首相は春、秋の例大祭の時に参拝していた。

      小泉首相は前例に倣ったともいえるが、日程変更だけでは、首相の靖国参拝が憲法で定められた政教分離の原則に反するという問題の対応策にならない。また第二次大戦のA級戦犯を祀り、戦前は国が管理していた靖国神社は日本の軍国主義の象徴とみなされていた。その基本的性質は変わっていない。

      靖国神社は、戦争放棄した日本の首相が参拝する場所としてふさわしくない。戦死者に敬意を表したい、戦争放棄の誓いを新たにしたいという小泉首相の説明には賛成できる。しかしそれが首相の真意かどうか疑う人も多い。首相の靖国参拝は選挙での自民党の得票増につながるからだ。首相が本当に戦死者に敬意を表し、戦争放棄を誓いたいなら、8月15日、政府主催の終戦記念式典の場でそうすればいい。

The Japan Times Weekly
May 4, 2002
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