Controversial Aegis dispatch

イージス艦派遣問題

The decision marks a step forward in Japan's expanding logistic support of U.S.-led antiterrorism operations. Up till now, however, an Aegis dispatch had been shelved on grounds that Japan might get involved in a collective military operation prohibited by the Constitution.

The destroyer's air-defense system, whose radar can track objects up to several hundred kilometers away, is capable of simultaneously striking more than 10 targets. Data collected by the vessel would be shared with U.S. forces. If such data is used as the basis for a U.S. attack, the argument goes, it could both constitute an exercise of the right to collective self-defense and result in the destroyer becoming a combat target.

Defense Agency Director General Shigeru Ishiba, speaking at a Diet committee meeting on Thursday, tried to dispel these concerns. "It is unlikely," he said, "that the destroyer will provide information such as when and where to shoot." Still, doubt lingers over whether the ship might not get drawn into a direct military engagement. After all, it is up to the U.S. military to decide how to use data supplied by the Aegis.

Japan has three ordinary destroyers now deployed in the Indian Ocean to protect two refueling ships. Mr. Ishiba, noting that these destroyers are already sharing intelligence with U.S. forces, said the difference between their deployment and that of the Aegis ship is only "quantitative, not qualitative." Given its advanced capabilities, however, its qualitative aspects cannot be ignored.

The government gives three reasons for the dispatch of an Aegis destroyer. First, one of the three destroyers now deployed will soon be returning home in accordance with the rotation schedule. Second, the Aegis destroyer has advanced radar and intelligence-analysis capabilities. And three, with features such as highly efficient air conditioning, it provides a better living environment for the crew.

One should read between the lines, however. The main reason the high-performance destroyer is being sent is the possibility of a U.S. war in Iraq. The dilemma for the government is that it cannot explicitly say this because there is as yet no conclusive evidence linking al-Qaeda and Iraq. Under the circumstances, the existing antiterrorism law does not provide the legal basis for supporting an anti-Iraq operation.

Passing a new law for this purpose, however, is not a realistic option because U.S. military action against Iraq could be over by the time such legislation is enacted. The official thinking, therefore, seems to be that an Aegis destroyer should be dispatched before it it is too late, and that its timely dispatch can pick up some of the slack in the U.S.-led antiterrorism campaign and thereby provide indirect support for an anti-Iraq operation.

The Aegis decision sends a clear message to Washington, which has been asking Tokyo unofficially to send the destroyer. As such, it was timed with an eye to the forthcoming visit here by U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage and subsequent Japan-U.S. ministerial security talks.

For many Japanese, however, the deployment of the state-of-the-art destroyer even before the start of an Iraq war seems rather odd. The international community is now watching to see how U.N. weapons inspections in Iraq will develop. There is still a need to make every diplomatic effort to avoid war. Many also find it hard to understand why the dispatch of such an advanced warship requires neither a change to the basic deployment plan nor a report to the Diet.

As expected, the opposition parties have fired a broadside at the Aegis deployment. Even some leading members of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party have expressed their opposition or reservations. New Komeito, a coalition partner, while officially objecting on grounds of "lack of national consensus," is looking the other way.

It is likely that the United States will request the dispatch of a P-3C antisubmarine patrol plane as well. It is time to discuss the overseas deployment of the Self-Defense Forces from every conceivable angle, including the issue of exercising the right to collective self-defense. The Japan-U.S. alliance is multisided and needs to be maintained from a broad perspective. Military utility, however important, is only one aspect of that relationship.

The Japan Times:
December 7, 2002
(C) All rights reserved

      イージス艦の防空システムは、数百キロ離れた物体を探知できるレーダーを備え、10以上の標的を同時に攻撃できる性能を持っている。イージス艦により収集された情報が米艦の攻撃に利用された場合、集団的自衛権の行使に当たるという指摘がある。

      石破防衛庁長官は国会で、「集団的自衛権に抵触するような行動は考えていない」と述べた。それでも、イージス艦により提供された情報をいかに使用するかは米軍しだいである。

      政府はイージス艦派遣の理由として、すでに派遣している艦船が交代時期にきている、高い情報処理能力を備えている、高性能のエアコンなどを備え、隊員の負担軽減を図る、の3点を挙げている。実際の派遣理由は、米軍がイラク攻撃の準備を進めていることだが、アルカイダとイラクの関係について確証がないので、反テロ特別法は対イラク軍事行動を支持する法的根拠にならない。

      この目的のために新法の成立を図るのは時間がかかり現実的ではない。そこで時期を失しないうちにイージス艦を派遣して対イラク軍事行動の後方支援をするのが政府の立場のようだ。

      戦闘開始前に、イージス艦派遣が基本的配置計画の変更も国会への報告もなく行われることには疑問がある。野党はもちろん、一部の自民党議員もイージス艦派遣に反対している。与党公明党は「国民的合意の欠如」を理由に反対しながら、派遣を容認している。

      米国は日本に P3C 対潜哨戒機の派遣も求めると予想される。自衛隊の海外派遣について、集団的自衛権の問題も含めあらゆる角度から議論すべき時期だ。日米同盟は広い視野から維持しなければならない。軍事問題は同盟関係の一部に過ぎない。

The Japan Times Weekly
December 14, 2002
(C) All rights reserved