Words must be matched with deeds

21世紀日本外交の基本戦略

Another reason is the entrenched tendency in government offices to honor tradition and protect their turf. Still another, and one that made headlines recently, relates directly to the Foreign Ministry: Over the past year or so, the ministry has been embroiled in a series of scandals, as well as internal disputes, that have eroded confidence in the foreign service.

In short, Tokyo's reactive diplomatic stance is ascribed largely to negligence on the part of both politicians and bureaucrats. The report, titled "Japan's Basic Diplomatic Strategy in the 21st Century," was submitted to Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi in late November. It is the work of nine experts, including former ministry bureaucrat Yukio Okamoto, now a counselor to the Cabinet secretariat. The authors held more than 30 brainstorming sessions from September 2001.

The report reflects new realities in the world as it strives to establish a new order following the end of the East-West standoff and the Persian Gulf War. Two of the most important developments to date are the ascendancy of the United States as the sole superpower and the expansion of the European Union as a giant quasi-state.

"In order to conduct diplomacy a nation needs to formulate a clear-cut strategy," says the document. "But Japan lacks that kind of strategy. More often than not, it settles for cosmetic measures." It also points out that Japan is "liable to prioritize international cooperation in an unprincipled manner, instead of pursuing its own interests."

The cardinal principle of diplomacy is to secure national security and promote the national interest. Of course, narrow-minded nationalism must be avoided, just as overdependence on a foreign power must be avoided. With the Cold War over, it is neither desirable nor permissible to pursue only economic growth under the security umbrella provided by the U.S.

From this point of view, the report calls for creating a "council on foreign policy and security strategy" that would report directly to the prime minister. The proposed body, however, is intended as a policy advisory panel of outside experts. As such, it is essentially different from the U.S. National Security Council, which advises the president regarding the integration and coordination of diplomatic, military and domestic policies.

There is concern that the council would open the way for "dual diplomacy," with the prime minister's office and the Foreign Ministry playing different diplomatic games. However, since the panel's function would be to suggest policy guidelines from a multidimensional perspective, a sharing of roles would be possible as long as final decisions were made at the top of the government.

The report makes a number of notable points. The first point is this: The Japan-U.S. alliance should remain the linchpin of Japanese foreign policy, and on that basis the bilateral security system — including the presence of U.S. bases in Okinawa — should be redefined in sync with changes in the international situation. In this regard, the report strikes a cautious note on America's inclination to unilateralism, saying "superpower" America could become less tolerant and more self-righteous in international relations.

The second point concerns the Japan-China relationship. The report defines China as "the most important theme of Japan's external relations in the early 21st century," and suggests that Japan "build future-oriented relations by freeing itself from the spell of history." In other words, Japan is urged to develop a mature relationship with China so that together they can lead Asia.

Third, the report calls for a deepening of the debate on the right to collective self-defense so that Japan can take part in the collective security system. It also proposes protective action by Maritime Self-Defense Force ships in the Persian Gulf to secure the safe passage of Japanese oil tankers — a step that will likely raise constitutional questions.

Prime Minister Koizumi has welcomed the report, saying Japan "needs a new policy in the new age." Indeed, the idea of a strategy council merits positive consideration. The important thing is to match words with deeds. Otherwise the proposed panel will end up as just another talking shop.

The Japan Times:
December 14, 2002
(C) All rights reserved

      11月に9人のグループによって小泉首相に提出された報告書「21世紀日本外交の基本戦略」は、消極的外交の原因を政界、官界の怠慢としている。報告書は冷戦後、湾岸戦争後の唯一の超大国としての米国の出現、欧州連合の準国家への変容などに見られる情勢の変化を反映している。それによれば、「日本は明確な外交戦略を欠いており、国益を追求せず無原則に国際協力を優先させる傾向がある」という。

      外交の基本原則は、国家安全を確保し国益を追求することだ。この観点から、報告書は首相直属の「外交安全保障戦略会議」の創設を提案している。

      提案通り第三者からなる諮問機関を創設すれば、首相官邸と外務省による「二重外交」が行われる恐れがあるという指摘がある。しかし、機関の役割を政策に関する諮問に限定し、政府のトップが最終決定することで問題はなくなる。

      報告書は、日米同盟を日本外交の要にすることを提案し、両国間の安保体制の再検討を求めている。報告書はさらに、中国を21世紀初期の日本外交の最重要テーマと位置づけ、歴史問題にとらわれない未来志向の日中関係を築くことを呼びかけている。報告書は最後に、集団的自衛権について議論を深めること、ペルシア湾内における海上自衛隊艦船による日本タンカーの護衛を提案しているが、これは憲法に抵触する可能性がある。

      外交安全保障戦略会議案は考慮に値する。この問題については「言行一致」が重要だ。さもないと会議は実効性のない諮問機関になる恐れがある。

The Japan Times Weekly
December 21, 2002
(C) All rights reserved