First step of the peace processsystem
(From The Japan Times Aug. 20 issue)

和平プロセスの第一歩

    There have been reports of small-scale clashes between settlers and security forces, a fatal shooting of a Palestinian by a settler, and a rocket attack in the south. But no major, bloody incident has been reported.

    Although Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon and Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas announced a cease-fire at their summit meeting in February, sporadic clashes between the Israeli military and Palestinian extremists have kept the official cease-fire in constant danger of collapse.

    The only way to open the road to peace lies in the two sides building mutual confidence.

    The decision of the Palestinian side to engage to some extent in joint operations — for example by deploying security forces — with the Israeli army so that the withdrawal proceeds smoothly is a move in the right direction.

    The biggest hurdle in promoting the "road map," which calls for the coexistence of the two states of Israel and Palestine, is the settlement problem. Israel's withdrawal from the Gaza Strip is not based on an agreement with Palestine, but is a unilateral move to promote the separation of the two states.

    The pullout, therefore, may certainly be a step forward in the peace process, but it does not readily get that process on track.

    At the same time that it is withdrawing from Gaza, Israel is expanding settlements on the West Bank of the Jordan River and going ahead with the construction of a separation barrier.

    Although some settlements in the West Bank are also being withdrawn at present, in practice Israel is said to seek legitimacy for merging large settlements in the West Bank in exchange for the Gaza pullout. This is a major reason why Palestinians are criticizing the Israeli move as a ruse.

    Mr. Sharon has been negative toward holding peace talks. He has laid down the condition that Palestinian extremist groups must first decommission their weapons and disband. His position is understandable, but at the same time it should be noted that Israel's policy of consolidating the occupied West Bank invites the suspicions and distrust of Palestinians, and is an obstacle to peace.

    One reason for Israel's unilateral withdrawal is the heavy economic burden of maintaining the settlements. Furthermore, a prevailing view has been that there is no future for 9,000 Jewish settlers living among 1.2 million hostile Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.

    Under such circumstances, a unilateral withdrawal may be the only viable step toward the de-escalation of violence and stabilization.

    Another reason for the withdrawal is strong political pressure from the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush, which is promoting the peaceful democratization of the Middle East as a whole.

    Mr. Sharon reportedly has had to push the pullout plan against opposition from the public and from within his own governing party.

    Mr. Abbas has said the withdrawal from the Gaza Strip is just a first step toward the end of the occupation of the West Bank. But a unilateral withdrawal does not apply to the West Bank, where 200,000 Jewish settlers live.

    Extremists in such Islamic fundamentalist groups as Hamas have described the pullout as a victory for the anti-Israel resistance movement and have declared that they will continue the armed struggle against the occupation of the West Bank. Such opinions conflict with the standpoint of Mr. Abbas, who argues that the cessation of attacks will lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state.

    Mr. Abbas' policy is to promote the decommissioning of arms by encouraging the political participation of the extremists. Hamas has made gains in local elections since the end of last year and has scored resounding victories in Gaza.

    For this reason, in order to avoid a conflict in the Palestinian camp in Gaza following the Israeli pullout, the Palestinian Authority requested that Hamas join the Cabinet. Hamas refused.

    There is the danger that the armed struggle, or a power struggle within the Palestinian camp, could become an excuse for Israel's legitimizing a return to a hardline course. Next January, Palestine will hold a parliamentary election for its Legislative Council. Hamas should seriously consider participating in politics with this election.

    The international community has been actively involved in Middle East peace in the past. Countries, including the United States as a mediator, and international organizations must continue to promote assistance toward the realization of peace and stabilization between Israel and Palestine.

The Japan Times Weekly
Aug. 27, 2005
(C) All rights reserved

      入植者とイスラエル治安部隊との間の小規模衝突、入植者によるパレスチナ住民の射殺、南部でのロケット攻撃はあったが、大規模な流血事件は起きていない。

      シャロン・イスラエル首相とアッバス・パレスチナ自治政府議長は2月に和平合意を発表したが、その後もイスラエル軍、パレスチナ過激派の間で衝突は続いていた。

      和平は、双方が相互信頼を醸成することにより可能になる。

      共存のための「ロードマップ」の最大の障害は、入植地の問題である。イスラエルのガザ撤退は、パレスチナ側との合意に基づいたものではなく、双方の分離を推進するための一方的な動きだった。撤退は和平プロセス前進の一歩にはなるが、プロセスを直ちに軌道に乗せるものではない。

      イスラエルはヨルダン川西岸の入植地を拡大し、分離壁の建設を進めている。ガザ撤退の代償にヨルダン川西岸の大入植地統合の正当化をねらっているという。

      シャロン首相は和平会談開催に消極的とされ、まずパレスチナ過激派が武装解除し解散すべきだと言う。立場は理解できるが、ヨルダン川西岸の入植地統合計画は、パレスチナ側の不信を招き、和平への障害になっていることも認めるべきだ。

      イスラエルの一方的撤退は、入植地維持の莫大な費用がからんでいるという。また、中東の民主化を推進している米ブッシュ政権の強い政治的圧力も関係している。

      ハマスなどパレスチナのイスラム過激派は、 撤退は反イスラエル勢力の勝利だとして、ヨルダン川西岸占領に対して武力闘争を続けるという。

      アッバス氏は、過激派の政治参加を通じ武装解除を進める政策を推進している。ハマスは地方選挙で躍進し、ガザ地区では大勝利を収めた。パレスチナ自治政府はイスラエルのガザ撤退後の紛争を避けるため、ハマスに入閣を要請したが、拒否された。

      自治政府内の権力闘争がイスラエルの強硬路線復帰への口実になる可能性がある。自治政府は来年1月に議会選挙を行うが、ハマスはこの選挙で政治参加を考慮すべきだ。

      国際社会は中東和平に深く関与している。各国と国際機関は、和平の実現と安定のための支援を推進せねばならない。