Withdrawing troops from Iraq
(From The Japan Times June 23 issue)

陸上自衛隊イラクから撤退

    The rather smooth operation and conclusion of the mission, however, should not be used as justification for future, unrestricted deployments of Self-Defense Force units overseas. Utmost care must be taken during the withdrawal phase to ensure that no GSDF troops are harmed or find themselves in a situation in which they must hit back by firing their weapons. It is expected to take four to six weeks for the 600-member GSDF contingent in Iraq to move to Kuwait for eventual return to Japan.

    Japanese opposition lawmakers earlier raised the question of the constitutionality of the GSDF deployment in Iraq. An ad hoc law enacted in July 2003 — and set to expire in four years — enabled the government to carry out the SDF troop deployment for noncombat activities only. The law restricted SDF activities to a "noncombat zone," a concept devised to avoid the appearance of violating the Constitution, which prohibits the use of military force abroad.

    The first GSDF contingent was sent to Samawah in Muthana province in February 2004. From March 26, 2004, to Feb. 4, 2005, the GSDF provided some 53,500 tons of potable water for the Samawah area, enough for 12 million people. It had completed public infrastructure repair work at 131 locations, such as schools and roads, as of June 1, and has provided medical service assistance at four hospitals. One result is that the death rate for newborn babies at Samawah Mother and Child Hospital has dropped to one-third of the level in 2002. GSDF activities have created job opportunities for up to 1,100 people per day.

    Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's administration ordered the deployment of GSDF troops at the strong request of the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush. As the name of the ad hoc law — the International Peace Cooperation Law — suggests, the purpose of the GSDF deployment was to provide humanitarian and reconstruction assistance to Iraq. Therefore, Japan is expected to continue helping the war-ravaged country become a viable, democratic and peaceful place to live.

    The GSDF deployment in Iraq has come to be viewed as a token of Japan's readiness to accept an expanding role in its security ties with the United States, and of its willingness to cooperate with the United States in the Iraq war.

    In connection to this, it must not be forgotten that the United States invaded Iraq in March 2003 on dubious grounds. U.S. insistence that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction was not proven. The U.S. argument that Iraq had ties with al-Qaida, which was responsible for the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the U.S., was off the mark. The GSDF's presence in Iraq caused resentment among Islamist extremists.

    Tokyo's decision to withdraw the GSDF contingent was influenced by circumstances created by other countries. The decision is in step with the scheduled withdrawal of British and Australian security forces from Muthana province. Iraqi troops are expected to take over the security maintenance responsibility for the province by the end of July.

    Even as it announced an end to the GSDF deployment in Iraq, the government decided to expand airlift assistance provided by the Air Self-Defense Force for the benefit of multinational forces and the United Nations. At present, three ASDF C-130 air transports are based in Kuwait, mainly transporting goods to an airport near Samawah. They airlifted 460.5 tons of goods on a total of 327 days from March 3, 2004, to June 16.

    Mr. Koizumi said the government has decided to provide new airlift support to Baghdad and Erbil. When the new mission starts, the Defense Agency should give detailed reports on the kinds of materials the ASDF aircraft are transporting. The ASDF's new mission carries the risk of involving Japan more deeply with the operations of U.S. forces. Since the security situation in Baghdad is worse than in Samawah, the aircraft could be targeted by extremist groups.

    Tokyo needs to take the long-term view by focusing on helping Iraqis with technical training and infrastructure construction. It must consider how $3.5 billion in official development assistance loans can best help stabilize the life of the Iraqi people. In doing so, cooperation with the U.N. and other international organizations will be indispensable.

The Japan Times Weekly: July 1, 2006
(C) All rights reserved

    しかし、イラクでの活動が円滑に行われ、終了したことは、将来の無制限の自衛隊海外派遣を正当化するために利用するべきでない。

    イラクへの自衛隊派遣を可能にした特例措置法（03年7月成立）は、海外での武力行使を禁じる憲法に抵触しないよう、派遣を「非戦闘地域」に限定した。

    小泉政権は、米ブッシュ政権の強い要請を受け、陸自のイラク派遣を決断した。特措法は、派遣目的を人道援助、復興援助の実施と規定しており、日本は今後もイラクの民主化を支援する援助を継続することを期待されている。

    自衛隊イラク派遣は、日本が日米安保体制でより重要な役割を果たし、イラク戦争で米国と協力するために行われた。

    忘れてならないのは、米国はイラク進攻にあたり、イラクは大量破壊兵器を保有しており、過激派組織アルカイダと関係があると主張したが、米国の主張は証明されていないことだ。自衛隊イラク派遣は、同国のイスラム過激派を憤激させた。

    今回の撤退の決定は英・豪軍の撤退にあわせたもので、独自の判断に基づくものではない。

    現在、航空自衛隊はC130輸送機3機により、多国籍軍、国連のためにクウェートからサマワ近郊までの空輸を行っているが、今後新規にバグダッド、エルビルへの空輸を行う。バグダッドの治安情勢は、サマワよりも悪く、自衛隊機が過激派の攻撃の的になることも考えられる。

    政府は、長期的視点に立って、対イラク技術支援、インフラ建設を検討せねばならない。特に35億ドルの対イラクODAを国民生活の安定のため、有効に使う方法が問題だ。そのために、国連などの国際組織との協力が不可欠になる。