Opinion Fujimori and the Debate On Dual-Nationality By TONY LASZLO	フレームで見る  英文をプリントする  脚注をプリントする
フジモリ大統領と二重国籍 フジモリ大統領と二重国籍 10年間、ペルー大統領として権力を振るった フジモリ氏は、ペルー国籍とともに日本国籍も 持っていた。在外日本人にとって、その事実は、 二重国籍について深く知り、権利を主張する 絶好の機会となったのではないだろうか。

Among the Japanese nationals living abroad, there are a fair number of people who are hoping the Japanese government will change its stance regarding dual-nationalities. In short, they want to be able to naturalize in their country of residence and yet still remain Japanese, in the legal sense of the word. Such a thing is not permissible under contemporary Japanese policies and the government has not been overly receptive to the idea, to say the least.

Why would anyone want two — or more — nationalities? It is mostly a question of convenience — or a lack thereof — according to dual-nationality proponents. Having lived in a country for 10 or 20 years, these people are tempted to take the naturalization plunge in order to increase their opportunities in the host society, to obtain the right to participate in various political processes and to enjoy increased freedom of movement, among other reasons.

At the same time, they wish to retain their Japanese nationality so that their children can have the option of becoming Japanese, themselves. Furthermore, many of these overseas Japanese view their Japanese nationality as being directly linked to their cultural identity, something that they loathe to relinquish or alter.

Many of these people live in countries that allow dual-nationality; for them, Japanese policy is the only stumbling block. Naturally, the fact that their neighbors and friends who have emigrated from countries with more liberal policies often already enjoy dual-nationality makes the prize that much more enticing.

While the question of dual-nationalities has been at best a fringe debate in Japan, it is receiving more attention of late, thanks to a startling and internationally famous case, namely that of Alberto Fujimori, a.k.a. Fujimori Kenya, the Peruvian-born man of Japanese ancestry who had served as president of Peru until his flight to Japan in November of last year.

In confirming that Fujimori in fact is both Japanese and a foreign national — as are all people who have not renounced their Japanese nationality, have a foreign nationality and who were over the age of 22 in 1984 when Japanese law was revised — the Japanese government not only made it possible for him to evade Peruvian extradition attempts, it also recognized a Japanese national's dual-nationality in a very public way.

While Fujimori's retention of his Japanese nationality came as a major shock to Peruvians, they would also be quite surprised to know that a good number of Japanese living abroad applaud his move, if not through a desire to provide refuge to an ethnic brother in need, then through gratitude for the opportunity to plead that they too should be allowed the right to be both Japanese and foreign, simultaneously.

The Japanese government, for its part, should not fail to take this opportunity to promote debate on the question of dual-nationality. I suspect the Japanese public presently supports the concept only in the specific way in which it applies to the high-profile Fujimori case. However, if they are better informed about the issue and think about it logically, most in favor of Fujimori's actions should come to realize that it is only natural to extend similar privileges to all people who can potentially claim dual-nationality, not just to the ex-president of Peru.

Shukan ST: Jan. 12, 2001

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