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The government was right to reject the demand from Islamic hostage-takers last month that Japan withdraw its troops immediately from Iraq. That resolute response was supported by most Japanese, boosting Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's popularity ratings. Yet, as security in Iraq continues to deteriorate, more and more people appear to be getting uneasy about the troop deployment.
Opinion polls show high levels of public support for Japanese efforts to help rebuild Iraq, but that support does not automatically translate to endorsement of the deployment. The hostage crisis highlighted the perils of doing peaceful work in a country at war, prompting many to question anew the wisdom of sending the Self-Defense Forces to a combat zone.
The security situation in Iraq flies in the face of U.S. President George W. Bush's triumphant statement a year ago that "major combat operations" were over. Japan has sent about 550 troops to southern Iraq, based on a government analysis that the region was "relatively safe." The dispatch is supported by a majority of Japanese, yet the public mood could change quickly if troops suffer casualties.
The rising death toll among U.S. troops is a tragic reminder of how things are worsening in Iraq. According to Associated Press reports, 115 soldiers died in April, the highest number of deaths for a month since the war started more than 13 months ago. It is hard to escape the impression that the U.S. military is getting drawn into a quagmire.
It appears that the Japanese ground troops, stationed outside central Samawah, are exposed to increasing danger. In early April, a mortar shell exploded not far from the camp; although the perpetrator remains a mystery. On April 29, two more shells exploded several hundred meters from the camp.
The government's assumption that the place was "relatively safe" — a principal reason for sending non-combat troops to Iraq — looks increasingly tenuous, and so does its definition of the term "non-combat zone." The official position, however, remains unchanged: SDF members are deployed in a region free from "combat action" (presumably excluding minor attacks that do not result in casualties); therefore, they will carry on with their mission.
The law mandating humanitarian and reconstruction aid for Iraq says troop activity will be confined within areas that are "currently not in a state of combat and are deemed unlikely to be in a state of combat throughout the entire period of activity." Obviously, the wording is meant to ensure conformity to the "pacifist" Constitution, which puts severe restraints on the use of force abroad.
Meanwhile, a growing number of Samawah citizens are taking a critical look at the SDF presence, according to local media polls. The enthusiastic welcome displayed earlier this year seems to have simply evaporated. Polls taken by three newspapers in March and April found that 51 percent of the residents questioned in Muthanna province, including the capital city of Samawah, were unhappy with the troop dispatch.
That is unfortunate since the SDF contingent is there to support humanitarian and reconstruction efforts, such as purifying water, providing health care, repairing schools and hospitals, and supplying security-related equipment like patrol cars. If residents are unhappy, it is probably because the security risks are causing delays in aid activities.
It is likely that the anti-SDF sentiments reflect attempts by militant groups, including those that kidnapped five Japanese nationals, to discredit Japan's troop contribution. These groups apparently see the SDF in the same light as the U.S.-led occupation forces. Should the uprisings against the occupying forces spread to other regions, the Japanese troops could find themselves in harm's way.
The SDF mission, its peaceful objective notwithstanding, is not winning as much sympathy and support from Iraqi people as it should. The sad reality in Iraq is that the forces of destruction hold sway over the forces of reconstruction. The task for Japan is to maintain and promote the good works while making a careful study of the situation.
The Japan Times Weekly
May 8, 2004
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イラクで先月、日本人を人質に取ったイスラム教過激派が自衛隊のイラク撤退を要求したが、政府はこれを拒否した。大部分の国民は政府の対応を支持し、小泉内閣の支持率は上がった。だが、イラクの治安情勢の悪化につれて、自衛隊駐留について懐疑的になっている人たちも増えている。
世論調査によれば、多くの国民が対イラク復興支援を支持しているが、必ずしも自衛隊駐留を支持しているわけでない。人質事件は、戦闘地域での平和目的の活動の危険性を浮き彫りにした。
1年前、ブッシュ米大統領はイラクでの「主要な戦闘」は終結したと宣言、政府は「比較的安全」と判断したイラク南部へ550人の自衛隊員を派遣した。国民の多くは派遣を支持したが、隊員に死傷者が出れば状況は一変する。
報道によれば、4月ひと月のイラクでの米兵戦死者数は120人以上にのぼり、戦争勃発以来の月間記録をつくった。米軍が泥沼に落ち込んでいる印象は拭えない。
陸上自衛隊の基地近くでも、4月に迫撃砲弾が2発着弾した。
イラク特措法は、自衛隊の活動を「非戦闘地域」に限定しているが、これは海外での武力行使を厳しく制限している平和憲法と整合性を保つためである。
現地からの報道によれば、イラク南部サマワの住民は当初自衛隊を歓迎していたが、最近は見る目が厳しくなっているという。
これは、武装勢力が自衛隊を米主導の連合軍の一部として宣伝していることが一因だと思われる。占領軍に対する反乱が全国に広まれば、自衛隊も危険にさらされる。
自衛隊はイラク国民の十分な支持を取り付けていない。破壊の力が再建の力を上回るイラクで日本がなすべきことは、状況を慎重に検討し、復興支援を推進することだ。
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