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警察官発砲殺人でN.Y.に議論
今年2月4日、N.Y. のブロンクスで私服警官4人が無実のギニア人男性めがけ、41発もの銃弾を発砲して射殺しました。被害者を手配中の犯罪者と誤認したための悲劇でしたが、市民の間では行き過ぎの犯罪取り締まりに対し、抗議ムードが高まっています。
New Yorkers Protest Tough Crime Policy Has Gone Too Far
By BOB YAMPOLSKY
On the night of Feb. 4, four plainclothes policemen were driving down a
street in the Bronx, on the lookout for a certain criminal who had carried
out a series of attacks on women. When they spotted a person who fitted the
description of the criminal — as they later described it — at the entrance to
an apartment building, they stopped the car and got out. Drawing their
weapons, they ordered the man to freeze.
The man turned around and, as the officers would later describe it, seemed to
reach for a gun. Within a matter of seconds, the four policemen fired a total
of 41 bullets, 19 of which found their target. The man did not have a gun,
it turned out — just a wallet, a pager and his keys. He had gone out to get
a snack and was killed as he was about to enter the apartment building where
he lived.
The man's name was Amadou Diallo. He was a 22-year-old immigrant from the
West African nation of Guinea. He worked as a street vendor. He had no
criminal record.
Less than a decade ago, crime rates in New York were at record highs. More
than 2,000 people were murdered in one year. The first statistical signs of
a drop in crime began in Mayor David Dinkins' last year in office, 1991. And
the real precipitous drop started after our current mayor, Rudolph Giuliani,
took office in 1992. Under his leadership, the police force in New York has
not only grown in size, it has also become much more aggressive. This
aggressiveness has been credited with reducing crime to less than half the
level of a decade ago.
New Yorkers had grown accustomed to reports about the new police tactics.
But this was always in the context of how successful they were. In the
months since the Diallo shooting, the reports have all focused on police
brutality, and how the police routinely ignore the civil rights of the
people they are supposed to protect.
Residents of black and Hispan
ic neighborhoods say the police act like an occupying army. They stop and
frisk individuals without cause, and are rude, threatening and
confrontational. I even read how one school teaches its students how to act
when the police stop them — make no sudden movements, don't talk back, hold
down your anger — since one false step could lead to a beating or an arrest —
or worse.
In the weeks following the shooting, a black activist named Al Sharpton
coordinated a well-organized protest. Then Sharpton arranged for daily
protests in front of police headquarters in lower Man
hattan. As demonstrators marched, chanting and carrying anti-police and
anti-Giuliani signs (such as our sign for this month, "GIULIANI IS A
RACIST"), volunteers engaged in civil disobedience, blocking the entrance
to police headquarters and refusing to move. Police came and arrested them.
At first those arrested were mainly followers of Sharpton. Sharpton is a
well-known New York figure who first gained prominence as a demagogue,
someone who purposely fans racial tensions for his own political
benefit. Hence he has been generally shunned by most mainstream civic
leaders. But as the Diallo protests gained momentum, more and more of these
mainstream leaders joined forces with him.
It was a strange and well-choreographed affair: Prominent New York citizens
practically fell over one another to make appointments with Sharpton so that
they could be arrested at a certain time on a certain day. All told, more
than 1,000 were arrested in two weeks of protest. They included former Mayor
Dinkins, congressmen, clergy, intellectuals and, as the news media
reported excitedly, Academy Award winner Susan Sarandon.
Mayor Giuliani initially dismissed the protests as political theater,
but as the sense of crisis grew, he began making conciliatory gestures. He
has met with several black leaders whom he had previously ignored, and has
begun showing an interest in the concerns of the black community. The police
department has also announced that it will try to recruit more minority
officers, that it will introduce a cultural sensitivity training program and
that the plainclothes unit, to which the officers who shot Diallo belonged,
will now wear uniforms. Sharpton and others are demanding far wider changes.
The four officers were indicted at the end of March on charges of second
degree murder. They say they are innocent — they simply made a mistake, but
they did not commit a crime. But 41 bullets is an awful lot of bullets, and
autopsy reports suggest that Diallo was shot even after he had fallen to the
ground.
The last case of police brutality to receive this much publicity was the
Rodney King case, in Los Angeles. King, you may remember, was the motorist
whose beating at the hands of four policemen was captured on videotape.
Their acquittal, of course, led to three days of rioting that devastated
Los Angeles. The officers in the Diallo shooting will go on trial early next
year.
On the night of Feb. 4, four plainclothes policemen were driving down a
street in the Bronx, on the lookout for a certain criminal who had carried
out a series of attacks on women. When they spotted a person who fitted the
description of the criminal — as they later described it — at the entrance to
an apartment building, they stopped the car and got out. Drawing their
weapons, they ordered the man to freeze.
The man turned around and, as the officers would later describe it, seemed to
reach for a gun. Within a matter of seconds, the four policemen fired a total
of 41 bullets, 19 of which found their target. The man did not have a gun,
it turned out — just a wallet, a pager and his keys. He had gone out to get
a snack and was killed as he was about to enter the apartment building where
he lived.
The man's name was Amadou Diallo. He was a 22-year-old immigrant from the
West African nation of Guinea. He worked as a street vendor. He had no
criminal record.
Less than a decade ago, crime rates in New York were at record highs. More
than 2,000 people were murdered in one year. The first statistical signs of
a drop in crime began in Mayor David Dinkins' last year in office, 1991. And
the real precipitous drop started after our current mayor, Rudolph Giuliani,
took office in 1992. Under his leadership, the police force in New York has
not only grown in size, it has also become much more aggressive. This
aggressiveness has been credited with reducing crime to less than half the
level of a decade ago.
New Yorkers had grown accustomed to reports about the new police tactics.
But this was always in the context of how successful they were. In the
months since the Diallo shooting, the reports have all focused on police
brutality, and how the police routinely ignore the civil rights of the
people they are supposed to protect.
Residents of black and Hispan
ic neighborhoods say the police act like an occupying army. They stop and
frisk individuals without cause, and are rude, threatening and
confrontational. I even read how one school teaches its students how to act
when the police stop them — make no sudden movements, don't talk back, hold
down your anger — since one false step could lead to a beating or an arrest —
or worse.
In the weeks following the shooting, a black activist named Al Sharpton
coordinated a well-organized protest. Then Sharpton arranged for daily
protests in front of police headquarters in lower Man
hattan. As demonstrators marched, chanting and carrying anti-police and
anti-Giuliani signs (such as our sign for this month, "GIULIANI IS A
RACIST"), volunteers engaged in civil disobedience, blocking the entrance
to police headquarters and refusing to move. Police came and arrested them.
At first those arrested were mainly followers of Sharpton. Sharpton is a
well-known New York figure who first gained prominence as a demagogue,
someone who purposely fans racial tensions for his own political
benefit. Hence he has been generally shunned by most mainstream civic
leaders. But as the Diallo protests gained momentum, more and more of these
mainstream leaders joined forces with him.
It was a strange and well-choreographed affair: Prominent New York citizens
practically fell over one another to make appointments with Sharpton so that
they could be arrested at a certain time on a certain day. All told, more
than 1,000 were arrested in two weeks of protest. They included former Mayor
Dinkins, congressmen, clergy, intellectuals and, as the news media
reported excitedly, Academy Award winner Susan Sarandon.
Mayor Giuliani initially dismissed the protests as political theater,
but as the sense of crisis grew, he began making conciliatory gestures. He
has met with several black leaders whom he had previously ignored, and has
begun showing an interest in the concerns of the black community. The police
department has also announced that it will try to recruit more minority
officers, that it will introduce a cultural sensitivity training program and
that the plainclothes unit, to which the officers who shot Diallo belonged,
will now wear uniforms. Sharpton and others are demanding far wider changes.
The four officers were indicted at the end of March on charges of second
degree murder. They say they are innocent — they simply made a mistake, but
they did not commit a crime. But 41 bullets is an awful lot of bullets, and
autopsy reports suggest that Diallo was shot even after he had fallen to the
ground.
The last case of police brutality to receive this much publicity was the
Rodney King case, in Los Angeles. King, you may remember, was the motorist
whose beating at the hands of four policemen was captured on videotape.
Their acquittal, of course, led to three days of rioting that devastated
Los Angeles. The officers in the Diallo shooting will go on trial early next
year.
Shukan ST: May 28, 2000
(C) All rights reserved
- plainclothes policemen
- 私服警官
- on the lookout for 〜
- 〜 を捜索して
- fitted the description
- 人相書に一致する
- ordered 〜 to freeze
- 〜 に「動くな」と言った
- found their target
- 命中した
- pager
- ポケベル
- immigrant
- 移民
- street vendor
- 露店商
- criminal record
- 犯罪歴
- a decade
- 10年
- statistical
- 統計上の
- precipitous
- 急な
- took office
- 就任した
- 〜 has been credited with 〜
- 〜 したのは 〜 の功績だと言われた
- tactics
- 作戦
- in the context of 〜
- 〜 という状況で
- brutality
- 残忍な行為
- routinely
- 当たり前のように
- civil rights
- 市民権
- occupying army
- 占領軍
- frisk
- ボディーチェックをする
- confrontational
- 敵対的な
- talk back
- 口答えする
- activist
- 活動家
- headquarters
- 本部
- chanting
- シュプレヒコールをあげながら
- civil disobedience
- 市民的反抗(ボイコットなどの非暴力的手段で政府などに反抗すること)
- figure
- 人物
- gained prominence
- 名をあげた
- demagogue
- 民衆扇動家
- purposely
- 故意に
- fans
- あおる
- racial tensions
- 人種間の緊張
- Hence
- そのため
- (has been)shunned
- 避けられていた
- mainstream
- 主流の
- civic leaders
- 市民運動のリーダー
- gained momentum
- 勢い付いた
- well-choreographed
- よく統制された
- fell over one another to 〜
- 先を争って 〜 した
- All told
- 全部で
- congressmen
- 連邦議会議員
- clergy
- 聖職者
- initially
- 当初は
- dismissed 〜 as 〜
- 〜 を 〜 として片付けた
- political theater
- 政治的な見せ物
- conciliatory
- 懐柔的な
- recruit
- 雇う
- minority
- 少数民族の
- cultural sensitivity
- 文化的な差異を尊重することを学ぶための
- were indicted
- 起訴された
- second degree murder
- (少し情状酌量の余地がある)第二級謀殺
- autopsy
- 検死
- Rodney King case
- 1991年ロスでスピード違反で逮捕された黒人青年が白人警官になぐる蹴るの暴行を受けた事件
- was captured on 〜
- 〜 に撮られた
- acquittal
- 無罪判決
- rioting
- 暴動
- devastated
- 荒廃させた