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中国に対する香港の報道の自由
香港が中国に返還されてもうすぐ1年になりますが、香港のマスコミの報道の自由はどの程度守られているのでしょうか。中国政府の要人インタビューなどでは、政府と香港の記者の間に食い違いが起こっているようです。
How Is Press Freedom in the SAR Changing?
By VIVIAN CHIU
Jimmy Lai, a self-made millionaire who owned a giant retail clothing chain in Hong Kong and overseas, once described Chinese Premier Li Peng as a "stupid pig" in a magazine he owns, called Next. Chinese authorities reacted angrily by shutting down six of Lai's Giordano International clothing stores in China in 1994 and are still thwartingthe chain's mainland expansion.
Undeterred, Lai, who started the Next Media Group in 1990 after the Tiananmen massacre, went on to publish the Apple Daily in 1995. It is now Hong Kong's second biggest-selling newspaper. In starting Next magazine and the Apple Daily, Lai tried to see how far the Hong Kong media could go in criticizing Chinese authorities. That was before the handover in 1997.
Many reporters in the years leading up to the handover wrote with caution about Chinese affairs. For instance, they would use words like "Tiananmen incident" or "Tiananmen student protests" rather than "Tiananmen massacre."
"Hong Kong reporters were less critical of Chinese affairs and there was more self-censorship, but it is unimaginable that Hong Kong newspapers will become a China mouthpiece after the handover," said Mak Yin-ting, former chairman of the Hong Kong Journalists Association.
In the first six weeks under Chinese rule, the association said there had been "no worsening signals" and in the nine months since, local journalists have given press freedom a cautious vote of confidence. Andy Ho, a political analyst, points out there hasn't been any restriction of freedom in reporting local news since the handover.
"Self-censorship has been going on for a while, but there is no big change on the whole. Hong Kong journalists can still write articles critical of China," Ho said.
But when Hong Kong reporters go to the mainland, they must overcome many bureaucratic barriers.
"Even though Hong Kong is now part of China, the restrictions still apply to Hong Kong journalists when they do stories in China," Ho said.
Now the biggest threat to Hong Kong's press freedom is Article 23 of the Basic Law, which prohibits any act of treason, sedition or subversion against the government.
"If the Legislative Council, which will be elected in May, enacts Article 23, there will be even more barriers to maintaining the independence of the Hong Kong press," Ho said.
Once passed, those laws will become weapons capable of suppressing press freedom in Hong Kong.
The journalists' association found in a survey that 70 percent of respondents feel that now, 10 months after the handover, the SAR government has become more conservative than before.
"We found that the office of Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa is the most conservative," said Carol Lai Pui-yee, chairman of the association. "Reporters have a hard time arranging interviews with Tung and other high-level government officials. They are not as transparent or receptive to the media as before."
A most infuriating blow to journalists in Hong Kong fell on April 7 when a Hong Kong television reporter was rebuked by a Chinese official for posing a question to Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji in France. The row came after TVB (Television Broadcasting Corporation) reporter John Liauw Chung-ping asked Zhu for his comments on a protest by Reporters Without Borders. Although Zhu was bombarded with pictures of jailed mainland journalist Gao Yu by the group, he said he had not seen the protest. First secretary of the Chinese Embassy in France, Su Xu, asked Liauw for his identification when Zhu had left. While the incident was recorded on film, Su angrily told Liauw:
"You know, of course you can have press freedom, but you'd better watch out if you want to work with us. You can report on any activity but if you continue in this way, we will stop all cooperation with you from now on. That's not a joke. I warn you. This is our premier. You'd better be prepared that we will stop cooperating with you in future."
All the evidence since July 1, 1997, had suggested that Beijing would let the Hong Kong press and broadcasters go their own way, and that the new administration would accept their freedom as a continuing element of the SAR system. Journalists and viewers could only be taken aback when Su berated Liauw. Any suggestion that reporters here should hold back when posing questions to mainland officials is bound to reawaken concerns voiced about press freedom before the handover.
A week after the incident, Premier Zhu admitted Su's harsh comments were inappropriate. Ronald Chiu Ying-chun, of the Hong Kong News Executives' Association, said Zhu had sent a good message to mainland officials by openly disapproving of the act.
Edmund Chan Kin-ming, chairman of the Hong Kong Federation of Journalists, said mainland authorities had reviewed the incident and decided to demonstrate regret.
However, Carol Lai remained critical of Su's remarks, which she said were a threat to reporters and would undermine freedom of the press.
"China and Hong Kong have different concepts of freedom of the press. Their concept is, reporters can only ask what is allowed to be asked, while we believe we can freely ask all kinds of questions that need to be asked," she said.
Jimmy Lai, a self-made millionaire who owned a giant retail clothing chain in Hong Kong and overseas, once described Chinese Premier Li Peng as a "stupid pig" in a magazine he owns, called Next. Chinese authorities reacted angrily by shutting down six of Lai's Giordano International clothing stores in China in 1994 and are still thwartingthe chain's mainland expansion.
Undeterred, Lai, who started the Next Media Group in 1990 after the Tiananmen massacre, went on to publish the Apple Daily in 1995. It is now Hong Kong's second biggest-selling newspaper. In starting Next magazine and the Apple Daily, Lai tried to see how far the Hong Kong media could go in criticizing Chinese authorities. That was before the handover in 1997.
Many reporters in the years leading up to the handover wrote with caution about Chinese affairs. For instance, they would use words like "Tiananmen incident" or "Tiananmen student protests" rather than "Tiananmen massacre."
"Hong Kong reporters were less critical of Chinese affairs and there was more self-censorship, but it is unimaginable that Hong Kong newspapers will become a China mouthpiece after the handover," said Mak Yin-ting, former chairman of the Hong Kong Journalists Association.
In the first six weeks under Chinese rule, the association said there had been "no worsening signals" and in the nine months since, local journalists have given press freedom a cautious vote of confidence. Andy Ho, a political analyst, points out there hasn't been any restriction of freedom in reporting local news since the handover.
"Self-censorship has been going on for a while, but there is no big change on the whole. Hong Kong journalists can still write articles critical of China," Ho said.
But when Hong Kong reporters go to the mainland, they must overcome many bureaucratic barriers.
"Even though Hong Kong is now part of China, the restrictions still apply to Hong Kong journalists when they do stories in China," Ho said.
Now the biggest threat to Hong Kong's press freedom is Article 23 of the Basic Law, which prohibits any act of treason, sedition or subversion against the government.
"If the Legislative Council, which will be elected in May, enacts Article 23, there will be even more barriers to maintaining the independence of the Hong Kong press," Ho said.
Once passed, those laws will become weapons capable of suppressing press freedom in Hong Kong.
The journalists' association found in a survey that 70 percent of respondents feel that now, 10 months after the handover, the SAR government has become more conservative than before.
"We found that the office of Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa is the most conservative," said Carol Lai Pui-yee, chairman of the association. "Reporters have a hard time arranging interviews with Tung and other high-level government officials. They are not as transparent or receptive to the media as before."
A most infuriating blow to journalists in Hong Kong fell on April 7 when a Hong Kong television reporter was rebuked by a Chinese official for posing a question to Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji in France. The row came after TVB (Television Broadcasting Corporation) reporter John Liauw Chung-ping asked Zhu for his comments on a protest by Reporters Without Borders. Although Zhu was bombarded with pictures of jailed mainland journalist Gao Yu by the group, he said he had not seen the protest. First secretary of the Chinese Embassy in France, Su Xu, asked Liauw for his identification when Zhu had left. While the incident was recorded on film, Su angrily told Liauw:
"You know, of course you can have press freedom, but you'd better watch out if you want to work with us. You can report on any activity but if you continue in this way, we will stop all cooperation with you from now on. That's not a joke. I warn you. This is our premier. You'd better be prepared that we will stop cooperating with you in future."
All the evidence since July 1, 1997, had suggested that Beijing would let the Hong Kong press and broadcasters go their own way, and that the new administration would accept their freedom as a continuing element of the SAR system. Journalists and viewers could only be taken aback when Su berated Liauw. Any suggestion that reporters here should hold back when posing questions to mainland officials is bound to reawaken concerns voiced about press freedom before the handover.
A week after the incident, Premier Zhu admitted Su's harsh comments were inappropriate. Ronald Chiu Ying-chun, of the Hong Kong News Executives' Association, said Zhu had sent a good message to mainland officials by openly disapproving of the act.
Edmund Chan Kin-ming, chairman of the Hong Kong Federation of Journalists, said mainland authorities had reviewed the incident and decided to demonstrate regret.
However, Carol Lai remained critical of Su's remarks, which she said were a threat to reporters and would undermine freedom of the press.
"China and Hong Kong have different concepts of freedom of the press. Their concept is, reporters can only ask what is allowed to be asked, while we believe we can freely ask all kinds of questions that need to be asked," she said.
Shukan ST: May 1, 1998
(C) All rights reserved
- self-made millionaire
- 独力でのしあがった百万長者
- retail clothing chain
- 衣服のチェーン店
- Premier Li Peng
- 李鵬前首相
- (are)thwarting
- 邪魔をしている
- Undeterred
- おじけることなく
- Tiananmen massacre
- 天安門での虐殺事件
- handover
- 香港の中国返還
- in the years leading up to 〜
- 〜 までの数年
- self-censorship
- 自粛
- mouthpiece
- 代弁者
- chairman
- 会長
- there had been "no worsening signals"
- 状況が悪化するという兆しはない
- have given 〜 a cautious vote of confidence
- (地元関連の報道に関して) 〜 については慎重な態度ながら信任票を投じた(報道の自由があると認めた)
- overcome many bureaucratic barriers
- 多くのお役所的手続きの壁を乗り越える
- Article 23 of the Basic Law
- 基本法第23条
- prohibits any act of treason, sedition or subversion against the government
- 政府に対する反逆、扇動、破壊活動を禁ずる
- Legislative Council
- 立法会
- enacts
- 立法化する
- weapons capable of suppressing 〜
- 〜 を抑圧することができる武器
- survey
- 調査
- respondents
- 回答者
- conservative
- 保守的な
- Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa
- 董建華香港特別行政区長官
- transparent
- 透明な
- receptive
- 受容力のある
- infuriating blow
- 激怒させるような打撃
- was rebuked by 〜
- 〜 に叱責された
- Premier Zhu Rongji
- 朱鎔基首相
- row
- 騒動
- protest by Reporters Without Borders
- 「国境なき記者団」の抗議(パリのホテルで朱鎔基首相に大量の写真付きビラを降りまいて抗議した)
- was bombarded with 〜
- 〜 を浴びせられた
- jailed mainland journalists
- 獄中の中国本土のジャーナリスト
- First secretary of the Chinese Embassy in France
- 在仏中国大使館第一書記官
- asked 〜 for his identification
- 身分証明書の提示を求めた
- was recorded on film
- 撮影されていた
- continuing element of 〜
- 〜 から引き続く要素
- could only be taken aback
- 面食らうだけだった
- berated
- 叱りつけた
- Any suggestion that 〜 should hold back when 〜
- 〜 の際に 〜 が自制しなければならないというほのめかし
- is bound to reawaken concerns voiced about 〜
- 話題になっていた 〜 に対する懸念を再燃させかねない
- harsh
- きつい
- inappropriate
- 不適切な
- by openly disapproving of 〜
- 〜 を公然と非難する
- demonstrate regret
- 遺憾の意を表す
- undermine 〜
- 〜 を侵害する